Friday27 December 2024
telegraf.org.ua

What language do you speak? A sociologist explains why Ukrainization should not be forced.

The language ombudsman is sounding the alarm—Ukrainization is slowing down, and the youth are opting for the Russian language, which poses a threat to national identity. Focus spoke with a sociologist to determine whether there is cause for concern regarding the future of the Ukrainian language.
На каком языке ты общаешься? Социолог объясняет, почему украинизация должна происходить без принуждения.

The process of Ukrainization slowed down in 2024. According to Taras Kremin, the Commissioner for the Protection of the State Language, there has been a decrease in the proportion of participants in the educational process who consider Ukrainian their native language. Additionally, the indicators of Ukrainian language use in the educational environment have declined, while the presence of the Russian language in the online space and social networks has increased.

Kremin believes that the issue of protecting the Ukrainian language is significantly deeper than it may seem. It is not just a cultural matter — it is the foundation of our statehood and national identity.

"It is essential to emphasize the key points and ensure proper protection of the language as part of our constitutional system. The language that children use now will determine the linguistic future of Ukraine," — the Commissioner for the Protection of the State Language emphasized.

Ukrainization: Is it important what language we speak?

Sociologist and President of the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology Vladimir Paniotto believes that to label Ukrainization merely as a process of introducing the Ukrainian language is incorrect. Ukrainization is a much broader process that encompasses not only the revival, development, and popularization of the Ukrainian language but also of Ukrainian culture, traditions, and, foremost, national identity.

According to the sociologist, the faster language Ukrainization is attempted, the more resistance it encounters. One reason for this resistance is that the methods currently in use, as well as those proposed by the ombudsman and the actions of the state, tend to have a negative character. This can provoke a reaction similar to protest among people. For example, recently, human rights activist Semen Gluzman shared that although he speaks Ukrainian, he finds it difficult to converse in it, and when pressured to do so, he even refuses on principle.

"This once again confirms that we cannot solely rely on negative methods. We need to seek positive incentives as well. It is also important to use differentiated approaches depending on age and region. Specifically, our efforts should be inversely proportional to age," — Paniotto continues.

As an example, he cites the establishment of Ukrainian universities with high language requirements, which makes them prestigious. The National University of "Kyiv-Mohyla Academy" was one of those universities that contributed more to the popularization of the Ukrainian language than fines. It was a university with high demands for knowledge of the Ukrainian language and was known for its connections with the West and American support, which made it very prestigious. Parents who wanted their children to enroll there made every effort, even hiring tutors to prepare them for admission.

Another example of a positive incentive is the creation of Ukrainian dubbing and Ukrainian subtitles on platforms such as Netflix.

"I always feel happy when I see that films have Ukrainian dubbing or Ukrainian subtitles and do not have Russian ones, which is also a powerful motivator for those who want to learn the language or improve their knowledge. The main method of developing the Ukrainian language should not be coercion, but encouragement, and now the conditions are ideal for this because people are motivated to move away from everything Russian," — says the expert.

Bilingual Ukrainians: How has the statistics changed during the years of war?

The process of Ukrainization in Ukraine also reflects broader social changes.

"For instance, after the war began, there was a so-called process of 'unity around the national flag.' This is a process that sociologists have observed during wars or natural disasters. For example, trust in President Zelensky grew from 37% before the war to 90% in May 2022, and trust in the Verkhovna Rada and the government also significantly increased. This positive sentiment lasted for about two years after the full-scale invasion, until the counteroffensive in 2023, after which it became clear that the war would continue for a long time," — says Vladimir Paniotto.

According to the sociologist, this is when active political activity began, along with strong criticism of the authorities on opposition television channels and social networks. This led to a decrease in the overall level of trust in the authorities. While the ratings for the president remain relatively high, those for the government and parliament have turned negative. This impacts the support for everything the authorities do — mobilization, combating corruption, and language policies.

"Moreover, changes to the native language, which is perceived as the language of childhood, cannot happen quickly. Only attitudes towards the language can change rapidly. The 17% decline indicates that people previously claimed their native language was Ukrainian due to unification around the flag, a surge in mobilization against the enemy, but now they are responding more honestly than before. Therefore, this is actually just a change in attitude towards the language," — the expert believes.

During this time, perceptions of the language situation have changed significantly. People who previously stated they primarily used Russian now many respond that they use both languages equally. In 2017, predominantly 50% used the Ukrainian language, while 26% used Russian, with the rest using both languages equally. In 2022, the use of predominantly Ukrainian language rose to 58%, while only 15% indicated they used Russian, marking a significant decrease compared to 2017.

"Now the majority of people are willing to use both languages equally, which also indicates a change in attitude towards the Ukrainian language. The Russian language has become less prestigious, and people want to avoid using it, although changing languages is very difficult even for those who know it," — says Paniotto.

Stalin is not our hero: Why Ukraine will not lose its identity

Another important aspect is the formation of common values. There has been significant progress in this area, as regional differences among Ukrainians regarding their attitudes towards Russia, the EU, and NATO have nearly disappeared. Attitudes towards historical figures are also changing. If ten years ago 23% of Ukrainians had a positive attitude towards Stalin, this figure has now dropped to 2%. Meanwhile, in Russia, the attitude towards Stalin has radically shifted positively — from 28% to 60% now. Moreover, Russians now consider Stalin the most outstanding person of all time, even surpassing Putin in this regard.

"Thus, although language Ukrainization is not progressing rapidly, the overall process of forming Ukrainian identity is gaining momentum. We do not face risks regarding the future of Ukrainian identity, as the ombudsman fears. I am convinced that this process is ongoing, and while language is an important factor in shaping Ukrainian identity, there are also other factors that need to be considered. Culture, common values, and European orientations are also developing in parallel," — emphasizes Paniotto.

In October 2024, KMIS researched whom Ukrainians consider to be part of the Ukrainian nation. It turned out that regardless of language, the majority consider a person to belong to the Ukrainian nation if they love Ukraine, regard it as their homeland, and condemn Russia. This indicates a broad platform and demand for an inclusive version of the Ukrainian nation, where a balanced and strategic approach to the processes of Ukrainization is necessary.

The sociologist also advises authorities to focus on more positive incentives for supporting Ukrainization. This is a very delicate issue, and any coercion provokes negative reactions, while fines for allegedly violating language laws tend to irritate rather than help.

"If we are applying 'stick' methods, we need to do it cautiously. For example, if you hit a stick sharply against water, it will break, but if done gently, it will enter the water smoothly. Therefore, it is important that this process is reasonable. The inevitability of the process is more important than its speed," — summarizes Paniotto.

It is worth noting that the language ombudsman Taras Kremin stated that the use of the state language has significantly increased in Ukraine and mentioned one categorical violator. At the same time, data from "Opendatabot" witness to dozens of fines, with the highest number of violations occurring in Kyiv.